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Douglas R. Bacon, M.D., Editor
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Henry Kissinger and P4P
What is the utility of studying history?
It is a simple question without a clear answer. The
most sophisticated scholars often respond along the
lines of Henry Kissinger, who said in his book The
White House Years:
History is not, of course, a cookbook offering
recipes. It teaches by analogy, not by maxims. It
can illuminate the consequences of actions in comparable
situations, yet each generation must discover for
itself what situations are in fact comparable.
ASA and all anesthesiologists are faced with a challenge.
Pay for performance, or P4P, is one of the new buzzwords
or, if you will, buzz concepts running around Washington,
D.C. The idea is straightforward — pay physicians
for performing at or above a preset standard. In theory
this should increase the quality of care for all patients,
especially Medicare patients, for whom the federal
government has the power to impose changes in reimbursement.
Medicare, however, is often used as an example for
private health insurers. P4P is so simple, and having
been used in a variety of settings outside of health
care, it seems to be the “ticket” to decrease
medical errors and make the delivery of health care
safer and more cost-effective.
Like all panaceas, the devil remains in the details.
What standards are imposed are critically important.
Checking for an insulin order for each blood sugar
over a certain value is a relatively painless and
easy standard to meet, which may or may not have real
medical significance, whereas ensuring less than a
20-percent drop in blood pressure on induction of
all patients may be well nigh impossible. Thus the
creation of the standards is vitally important and
needs to be done, for anesthesia, with an understanding
of anesthetic action and the entire perioperative
experience.
The question before ASA and the anesthesiology community
as a whole is: At what level do we wish to participate?
In recent issues of the ASA NEWSLETTER, strong
opinions in letters to the editor on both sides of
the issue have been expressed. Our officers need to
make our position known to many people in Washington,
but they cannot do this without a consensus of the
membership, which is reflected in the deliberations
of the Board of Directors and the House of Delegates.
In my view, there are two possible positions, both
reflected within the history of ASA.
The first stance is not to cooperate with P4P and
fight the government tooth and nail through all possible
venues, including the court system. Historically one
of the greatest chapters in ASA history was written
by taking just such a stance. The Relative Value Guide
(RVG) was developed and implemented in California
in the late 1950s. The idea spread and was introduced
nationally by ASA in the 1960s. Other specialties
adopted the RVG model over the next decade and a half.
By September 1975, the Department of Justice had filed
an antitrust suit against the New York State Society
of Anesthesiologists and consequently ASA, charging
that the RVG essentially fixed prices and did not
allow competition. RVG action also was taken against
the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons, the
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists,
the American College of Radiology and the Minnesota
Medical Association. These organizations capitulated
and accepted a cease and desist order dictated by
the Justice Department.1
ASA stood alone against the might of the United States
government. Most importantly ASA’s legal counsel
believed that there was a better than 50-percent chance
that the suit could be won by ASA. The House of Delegates
resolved that there would be no compromise with the
Justice Department and voted a substantial sum to
cover legal expenses. The case was heard before Judge
Kevin T. Duffy in New York City between November 20
and December 4, 1978. More than six months later,
on June 22, 1979, the decision was issued, with the
judge finding that the ASA RVG did not violate the
antitrust laws and therefore dismissed the suit. ASA
had stood alone and won — a clear historical
lesson in the importance of standing up for the values
important to the organization.
The second historical example relates the importance
of working with rather than against the federal government.
In 1961 the King-Anderson bill came before the House
of Representatives for debate. The bill dealt with
the federal government’s payment to those receiving
Social Security of a substantial percentage of hospitals
costs. The bill did not cover payment for physician
services, except for radiologists, pathologists, physiatrists
and anesthesiologists who were presumed to be employed
by the hospital. While the other three specialists
actually wanted to be hospital employees and have
their institutions collect fees for them, anesthesiologists
wished to be independent of such an arrangement and
treated like the rest of the house of medicine. ASA
requested and was granted the privilege of presenting
testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee.
The thrust of the testimony was that most anesthesiologists
billed independently as physicians and were not employees
of the hospital. ASA President Forrest E. Leffingwell,
M.D., was effective before the committee, and the
language concerning anesthesiologists was removed
from the bill.2
In 1965, as the Medicare Bill was introduced in the
Senate, a similar problem arose. Senator Paul Douglas
introduced an amendment returning the services of
anesthesiologists, along with radiologists, pathologists
and physiatrists, to be paid as part of the hospital
reimbursement. This time ASA President Perry P. Volpitto,
M.D., and Counsel Jack Lansdale testified in front
of the Senate Finance Committee. They contrasted the
situation with the other specialties to anesthesiology
and provided hard data that most anesthesiologists
practiced independently much like a surgeon or internist.
Mr. Lansdale and Dr. Volpitto also were convinced
that the future of anesthesiology would best be served
by keeping anesthesiologists as independent physicians.
Finally they argued that if anesthesiologists were
included in the bill, it would impact negatively on
the entire practice of medicine. Perhaps they reasoned
that eventually all specialists would become employees
of the hospital. By working with the government, ASA
was again victorious, and the concept of an anesthesiologist
as an independent physician was firmly established.
Here then from ASA history are two examples of how
the Society, and anesthesiologists in general, should
approach pay for performance. Which is the “correct”
paradigm? Are there any clues that may help us figure
out what will be the best way to proceed?
First, in both instances, ASA followed the advice
of its legal counsel. The words of ASA Director of
Governmental Affairs and General Counsel Ronald Szabat,
J.D., LL.M., on this issue are and will remain critical
to ASA’s position. As anesthesiologists we will
not be afforded another chance to “get this
right.” Mr. Szabat, along with Vice-President
for Professional Affairs Alexander A. Hannenberg,
M.D., have been closely monitoring this issue and
have written about it in previous editions of the
NEWSLETTER. It would be the height of naiveté
to believe this issue will go away of its own accord.
It appears as these words are written that the concept
is so easy to promote, and that the perceived need
for a regulation is so great, that fighting P4P is
fruitless. Thus I would argue that the first historical
example, standing and fighting the government alone,
will lead to failure. The average person will not
understand the problems and concerns of implementation
of this program; rather they will perceive it as physicians
trying to “cover up.” It could even be
construed that physicians, especially anesthesiologists
leading the fight, do not wish to have public scrutiny
of their practice. While this is not the reason to
disagree with P4P, perceptions, especially of the
general public, are hard to control. Imagine how easy
it is to distort any position centered on the concept
that the data are meaningless and simply another box
to check. Society as a whole could interpret opposition
as an unwillingness to increase the standard of care,
to undergo scrutiny, rather than the medical opinion
it may be.
In the end, ASA needs to work with those responsible
for implementing P4P. It will not go away. If it is
to have any meaning for anesthesiology, we need to
be involved in the conception, planning and implementation
of the program. It is far too important to the specialty,
to ASA and ultimately to our patients to ignore. Fighting
against it will only lead to an impossible system
created by bureaucrats who have no understanding of
the nature of our practice, the goals that are measurable
and obtainable and that ultimately will improve practice,
however slight the effect may be. As the long history
of ASA suggests, we the members are guardians of the
future of the specialty, and as such, it is our duty
to advance and protect it.
While P4P may be a passing fad, it has the potential
to do great harm. By working with the federal government,
we can minimize that effect. The time to do so is
now — not to act may well have fatal consequences
for our beloved specialty.
— D.R.B.
References:
1. Gotta AW. The 1970s: A decade of crisis. In: Bacon
DR, Lema MJ, McGoldrick KE. (eds.) The American
Society of Anesthesiologists: A Century of Challenges
and Progress. Park Ridge, IL: Wood Library-Museum
of Anesthesiology. 2005:147-157.
2. Ogunnaike B, Giescke AH. The 1960s—the ASA
comes of age. In: Bacon DR, Lema MJ, McGoldrick KE.
(eds.) The American Society of Anesthesiologists:
A Century of Challenges and Progress. Park Ridge,
IL: Wood Library-Museum of Anesthesiology. 2005:103-121.
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